An international lawyer and criminal investigator, Céline Bardet specializes in war crimes and sexual violence in conflict situations. She began her career at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia before spending more than ten years in the Balkans, where she created and led a specialized unit on war crimes. With over twenty years of field experience working with the United Nations, the European Union, and Interpol, she founded the NGO We are NOT Weapons of War (WWoW) to break the silence surrounding rape as a weapon of war and to improve access to justice for victims. As an author and public speaker, she advocates for justice and the recognition of survivors in conflict zones.
Could you introduce yourself and tell us about the origins of your organization, We Are NOT Weapons of War (WWoW)?
I am an international lawyer and criminal investigator specializing in war crimes for the past 25 years. My commitment to addressing sexual violence has been shaped by three defining experiences — in Bosnia, Libya, and Zimbabwe. I began my career at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, where I grasped the extent to which rape was being used as a weapon of war, particularly in the Bosnian camps. I then created the first national unit dedicated to war crimes and handled several landmark cases, including that of Sveta, whose trial led to legislative progress and encouraged other women to testify.
I also worked in Libya during the 2011 revolution, where I witnessed scenes of extreme sexual violence targeting both women and men, especially in prisons, as a means to break political opponents. In 2013, in Zimbabwe, I defended the case of a woman who had suffered sexual violence during the 2005 electoral crisis and later gave birth to a child born of rape. Despite numerous obstacles, we obtained a groundbreaking ruling recognizing the State’s responsibility and granting reparations.
Faced with the ongoing silence surrounding these issues in France, I launched the awareness campaign “I Am NOT a Weapon of War.” I then founded We Are NOT Weapons of War, a non-governmental organization and a specialized agency addressing sexual violence in conflict. Realizing how difficult it was to reach victims, who are often isolated, we developed the digital tool Backup, which allows them to report their situation securely and access appropriate assistance, even in remote areas. My goal remains to strengthen the international response by placing the voices and needs of survivors at the heart of our work.
How and why is rape used as a “weapon of war”?
It is important to note that the notion of “rape as a weapon of war” does not exist as such in international law; it is a phrase popularized by the media and adopted by our organization, We Are NOT Weapons of War. Legally speaking, rape in wartime is not an autonomous legal qualification, but it constitutes an element of other international crimes, such as crimes against humanity or war crimes.
Historically, sexual violence has always accompanied conflicts, but it long remained ignored by international justice. It was only from the late 1990s — after the conflicts in Bosnia and Rwanda — that these crimes began to be properly recognized. In Bosnia, rape was systematically used as an instrument of ethnic cleansing, aiming to destroy entire communities. In Rwanda, it was deployed as a weapon within the genocide of the Tutsi, with countless women raped before being killed.
These examples show that rape in conflict is, above all, a means of domination, control, and humiliation — far removed from any notion of sexuality. It is a deliberate strategy to destroy targeted groups and leaves deep, lasting scars within affected societies.
From the 2000s onwards, the use of rape as a weapon of war not only increased but also became institutionalized, particularly among terrorist groups. Daesh, for instance, formalized these practices by publishing directives on the rape of Yazidi women and establishing a system of sexual slavery — revealing an economic dimension through the trafficking and sale of women. This reflects a logic of objectifying women and seeking to annihilate entire populations. The Yazidi case is emblematic, but many other minorities have also been targeted.
A similar pattern can be seen with Boko Haram, which particularly targets women by denying them education and forcing them into the role of combatants’ wives, in order to perpetuate its ideology. This institutionalization of sexual violence — whether highly organized, as with Daesh, or more diffuse, as with Boko Haram — always serves purposes of domination, social control, and community annihilation.
Since the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, almost all major conflicts have been marked by large-scale sexual violence, though the objectives vary according to context. In the Democratic Republic of Congo, for example, rape is used to terrorize populations, provoke displacement, and facilitate territorial conquest. It also aims to destroy the social fabric, since women often hold a central role in their communities.
In other contexts, such as Syria under Bashar al-Assad or in Libya, rape has been used as a political weapon to silence opposition and break social cohesion.
Thus, wartime rape — far from being an isolated phenomenon — has become a strategic tool of destruction, humiliation, and control, adapted to each conflict.
This challenges long-held assumptions. For too long, wartime rape has been seen as a “women’s issue,” when in fact it is a weapon of collective destruction designed to destabilize and control entire communities for strategic, political, or economic ends.
It is important to stress that no comprehensive global study of wartime rape exists to date. This is a major gap, because without precise data on its scale, patterns, and perpetrators, it is impossible to design truly effective responses.
My approach — and that of my organization — is to treat wartime rape first and foremost as a crime, regardless of the victim’s gender. While women remain the primary targets, men are also affected, often for different reasons: in some contexts, the rape of men serves to break political opponents or socially stigmatize them, particularly in societies where homosexuality is taboo.
Wartime rape thus serves multiple purposes: to humiliate, terrorize, and destroy both individual and collective identity. We have seen this recently in Ukraine, where sexual violence has targeted both women and men, used as tools of torture and domination. What makes this crime particularly devastating is that it attacks intimacy and identity, leaving profound scars not only on individuals but on entire societies.
Finally, we must not forget the children born of such violence, who also carry the weight of trauma. Often stigmatized as “children of the enemy,” they face lifelong exclusion, extending suffering across generations. This makes wartime rape especially pernicious: its consequences reach far beyond the victim, undermining families, eroding communities, and damaging the social fabric for decades.
How does your organization fight these forms of violence?
Our organization operates at several levels to address sexual violence in conflict. We are primarily an advocacy and expertise agency: we raise awareness among policymakers and the public about the gravity of these crimes, which pose a real threat to peace and international security. We contribute to United Nations negotiations, collaborate with the UN Special Representative on Sexual Violence in Conflict, and develop concrete tools such as Backup to identify victims and connect them to appropriate assistance.
What makes our approach distinct is our determination to move beyond intermediaries. With Backup, our priority is to give survivors a direct voice — allowing them to share their stories if they wish, without having others speak on their behalf.
Many survivors do not necessarily seek material aid, but rather recognition and belief. This is essential, because sexual violence crimes are uniquely shrouded in doubt and disbelief, far more than other forms of violence.
Our role is therefore not only legal — though we do pursue judicial action, serve as civil parties in trials, and train justice and security actors — but also deeply human. We create safe spaces, in partnership with local actors, where victims can speak freely and safely, surrounded by professionals trained in culturally appropriate approaches. While we do not provide direct medical or psychological care ourselves, we identify, train, and support local providers to ensure relevant and respectful assistance.
Even as a small organization, we prioritize direct listening, the creation of safe spaces, and the fight against the taboos surrounding sexual violence. For us, the goal is to reshape how societies perceive rape — supporting justice while transforming collective attitudes toward victims and their voices.
What progress has been made in international law? Are these crimes being punished?
International law has advanced significantly in recent decades regarding the recognition and classification of sexual violence in conflict. Today, wartime rape is recognized as a crime against humanity, a war crime, and, in some cases, an element of genocide. The jurisprudence of international tribunals, such as those for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda, has marked key milestones, and the International Criminal Court has broadened its definition of sexual violence to include acts such as sexual slavery and forced sterilization.
In practice, however, enforcement remains inconsistent. The main obstacle is no longer legal but political and diplomatic. The legal frameworks exist, but implementation depends on state will: some conduct trials under international pressure, while others remain inactive or fail to apply adopted laws. International criminal justice itself lacks the means and enforcement mechanisms to carry out arrest warrants.
There have nonetheless been positive developments. International sanctions are increasingly being imposed on states or groups that use sexual violence as a weapon of war, and campaigns such as “Red Line” led by Denis Mukwege, aim to make these crimes a true diplomatic red line. Yet more must be done: combating impunity must become a central issue in international relations and diplomacy.
It is also essential to train investigators and security forces, strengthen disciplinary mechanisms within armed forces, and foster an environment where victims’ voices are heard and protected. Prevention must become a priority — by developing monitoring and early-warning systems, but also by challenging mindsets so that these acts are no longer seen as inevitable or acceptable.
Finally, there is a need for greater international cooperation. Some countries — such as the United Kingdom, the United States, and Canada — have appointed ambassadors specifically dedicated to preventing sexual violence in conflict. This facilitates diplomatic dialogue and effective follow-up. Such initiatives should be expanded, particularly in France and across Europe, to strengthen coordination and international pressure.
In short, while the international legal framework is robust, much remains to be done to make prosecution the norm. This requires strong political will, dedicated resources, active diplomacy, and enhanced cooperation between states and organizations.
Interview by Diane Dussans, project officer at the RAJA-Danièle Marcovici Foundation.
